Nationalism in India and Lack of Individual Power
Image via the Associated Press
India today can be characterised by a myriad of things: the bright yellows of auto rickshaws and the gleaming domes of the Taj Mahal, the spicy street food, the pressing together of bodies in vegetable markets as people push and shove to find the best produce. India today can also be characterised by the arrests of activists using draconian colonial-era laws, by the sight of farmers pooled around Delhi in protest of the Farmer's laws implemented without consulting the people, by the construction of a temple in the place of a demolished mosque, and by the ever-growing atmosphere of communal tension – both fueled and disregarded by the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
While Hindu nationalism has always held a place in Indian politics, in the past few years, it has rapidly risen to the foreground, becoming synonymous with Modi's nationalist rhetoric. Hindutva, the BJP's brand of nationalism, equates being Indian with Hinduness, and is based on the belief that “true” Indians are people who belong to India and regard it as their spiritual motherland, thus excluding Muslims and Christians from their definition of “Indians.” Since the BJP's first electoral victory in 2014, there has been a surge of violence targeting religious minorities, a demonisation of Muslims in political speech and television, and an increase in mass religious violence. During his second term, beginning in 2019, attempting to distract from the BJP's failure to deliver on the economic development they'd promised in 2014, Modi shifted his focus to national security and militant nationalism.
Nationalism is an ideological movement that seeks to attain and maintain autonomy, unity and identity on behalf of a nation's members. Right-wing populist parties, stated by Professor Bernt Hagvet, tend to perceive countries as unequal, and rank nations by worth, with theirs on top. They emphasise its history as glorious, with allusions to its past in their political discourse. The forces usually cited as driving right-wing populism, such as economic stagnation, high crime, mass immigration and loss of sovereignty to transnational institutions, are all intrinsically linked to individual power – or a lack thereof. The rise of populist nationalism could be due to perceived helplessness on a personal level, a search for order and structure and an avoidance of uncertainty or ambiguity.
A common sentiment echoed amongst Indians during the 2019 election season was “Who else is there to vote for? Nobody else can fix India's economy or protect us from Pakistan,” citing demonetisation as one of Modi's masterstrokes in dealing with the corruption amongst the rich – despite it having quite the opposite effect, and instead crippling a large percent of India's poor and financially unstable population. Modi's bravado had further been demonstrated with a “preemptive” airstrike on Balakot, Pakistan, in response to a suicide bombing on a convoy of 2,500 paramilitary soldiers in Pulwama. The move itself was reckless and formidable, but regained the faltering trust and attention of a large percent of the Indian population.
The Modi government's rise to power was capitalised on the pre-existing dissatisfaction of Indians in the incumbent Congress party. Corruption was rife, so much so that there was a general acceptance – albeit an angry one – that money had to be involved in getting anything done. Many believed that the Congress party's pseudo-secular stance was pandering to minorities and felt unrepresented and unheard. Furthermore, the Congress party, whose ideology had been formed in the heat of the freedom struggle and had succeeded in uniting vast masses of the population against colonial rule, could offer no cultural creativity or protection to a country seeking a political leader to rely on. The historical victories of Congress in the Independence struggle could not distract the Indian people from the modern-day concerns of national security and economic opportunity in a rapidly globalising India. India's citizens were yearning for a strongman, and Rahul Gandhi, the Congress party's prime ministerial candidate, was no match for Modi's charisma, Hindu nationalist ideals, and purposeful political persona.
National security plays a large part in most of the BJP's electoral campaigns, drawing comparisons with the Congress party's inability to ensure the safety of its Hindu population. During the aftermath of the Pulwama attack, Modi declared on May 8th, 2019, "We conducted surgical strikes and airstrikes against Pakistan-based terrorists to send our message to the world that India is well capable of defending itself." Modi's continual description of a “New India” under his government asserts that national borders and security are more secure, and that India itself is becoming a more confident nation.
Modi's initiatives exploit the lingering, long-lasting resentment between communities, employing not only a “divide-and-rule” policy, but also a “distract-and-rule” policy. In his second term, the Modi-government implemented the Citizenship Amendment Act, paired with the National Register of Citizens, which granted citizenship to refugees of various religions, with an obvious exclusion of Muslims. In addition, Modi stripped the much disputed territory of Muslim-majority Kashmir of its special status, and split it into two federal territories: a move said to integrate it fully into India. Kashmir was immediately flooded with the Indian military, and internet access and connectivity was stopped for seven months. Even after its restoration, connection was unstable and erratic.
These moves were regarded by many as triumphant moments in Indian history, and were met with dancing in the streets and an enthusiastic response on social media from the BJP's supporters. Media outlets on television misrepresented protests, and portrayed protesters as people being paid to show up. Misinformation circulated swiftly and in significant volumes. Spam accounts on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram were hard at work, commenting on every post released by the official accounts of the prime minister and his cabinet – their profiles empty. However, amongst them were real people who were entirely convinced by Modi's policies, and were willing to justify any lengths that the Modi-government would go, reframing them into being for the collective good of every Indian.
The Modi government's claims of India strengthening and returning to its pre-colonial roots made the majority-Hindu population feel powerful and in control. Mobs were emboldened enough to burn down entire neighbourhoods, as happened in February 2020, known as the Delhi riots. It became evident that a large section of the population had deep-rooted concerns about the intentions of Indian Muslims, Pakistan's interference in Kashmir and Hindu representation in the country's demographic. These concerns were validated by the Modi-government and were further pacified by the anti-secular tone that the BJP proceeded with, as opposed to the Congress party's use of secularism in justification of inaction.
Right-wing nationalism can often be motivated by a quest for significance and a perceived loss of status. India's history begins with partition, creating a yearning for a historical identity – a yearning which has gone unchecked, generation after generation, cultivating a growing sense of “us” and “them.” The individual is helpless in the face of a cultural division. Modi gave this need to be defined a voice, and in turn, mobilised a population to his cause. By giving the people the authority to believe in the prejudices they were feeling, he gave them a sense of reclaimed power: a confidence in their beliefs and opinions. India's right-wing counts on its people feeling helpless enough to require a strongman, and continues to feed them just enough to allow them to feel powerful – as long as it is on Modi and the BJP's terms.
Deeksha Verender is a UK-based writer primarily focused on fiction about trans-generational issues, societal structures, and reclamation. She is currently pursuing a PhD in Creative Writing. You can find more of her work at www.deekshaverender.com.